Germany’s role – serving leadership?

What contribution can political science make to political decisions? Herfried Münkler asks this question in his new book. It is concerned with “Germany’s role in Europe and the challenges of the 21st century”. First of all, he describes the present as the meeting of the threats from Russia with the withdrawal of the United States from the Atlantic connection. He then represents the dangers of Germany’s industrial location by China, but also threats from centrifugal forces promoted by populists in the EU, the growing migration pressure from the south and the climate crisis. The political scientist problematizes the status of the free democratic constitutional state and puts his finger on an efficiency that was made up by him – opposition rights that would slow important infrastructure projects. Münkler states: “There are great challenges and huge tasks that come up with German politics, and it is anything but certain that they will be able to cope with these challenges.”

The political scientist treats the borders of Europe as a “geopolitical challenge”. Keeping the boundaries open (“We can do it”) was necessary. In his view, however, the public relations work required for this were neglected and the demand for this and the demanding of European solidarity. This contributed to the strong populist parties. Political leadership would have been missing. Germany, located in the middle of Europe, is the most populous and economically strongest country in the continent and obliges to strive for and take the political leadership in the sense of a “servant leader”, that is, a serving leadership. But not alone. Münkler floats a leadership axis: Paris-Berlin-Warschau, supplemented by a north-south axis with Italy or Spain and the north, possibly again with Great Britain.

This core Europe with a Germany, which is leading “serving” within this group, he measures the decision-making authority on the foreign and defense policy of Europe. The smaller states, which are constantly annoying, such as Orbán’s Hungary, should be removed from their veto law and “compensated” with greater tolerance of their domestic special regulations. A third ring should group the European leaders and the second circle, the circumcised in their vethomache, especially East Central European countries as a “flattened” periphery, to which Münkler can imagine Turkey and countries of Maghrebs. Translating this vision into political reality can only succeed in a strong leadership. The renovation of Europe according to this pattern would strengthen the EU’s ability to act, increase its reaction speed and also release forces for their own role in world politics.

However, Münkler wonders whether the will and political staff are available in Germany to bear the risks and costs of such a role. In any case, the prerequisite for this is economic relaxation and outbreak from the current standstill. For this, he considers de -bureaucratization, the dismantling of the legalization of even the smallest entrepreneurial decisions and a strong investment boost in the infrastructure necessary. Above all, he calls renewal and expansion of the rail to adapt the transport routes through the middle of Europe to the requirements of the time.

In historical response, Münkler is reminiscent of the mistakes of German politics to Bismarck, the suggestion of the “encirclement”, which two world wars were involved and that Larmoyant is now also used by Russia as an excuse for its expansion policy. Münkler sharply criticizes the flirting of some political actors in Germany and elsewhere with a stronger turn to Russia again. The most important values ​​of the “West” would reveal the most important values ​​of the “West” as the free democratic constitutional state, freedom of the press and essential personal freedom rights.

Münkler’s leadership vision for Germany is very conservative. During the reading, you sometimes fear that when not being followed by his agenda, the dangers of apocalyptic dimensions would threaten.

Herfried Münkler: Makes in change. Germany’s role in Europe and the challenges of the 21st century. Rowohlt, 431 pages, born, 30 €.