Garage paradise East Germany – collective living rooms

Garage complex in Neustrelitz: The photo comes from Martin Maleschka, who contributed an image essay about East German garages to the book “Garagenmanifest” (Park Books).

Photo: Martin Maleschka

The art project “#3000Garagen” as part of the activities for the Capital of Culture Chemnitz 2025, the exhibition “Garagenland” or the book “Garagenmanifest”: All of these newer projects deal with East German garages. Where does this sudden interest come from?

It’s surprising that it’s taken this long for this argument to happen. After all, garages dominate the image everywhere in East Germany – in the city as well as in the rural regions. There are two reasons why the topic is now coming to the fore: Firstly, the general interest in GDR architecture and Eastern modernism is growing. Secondly, there is a political trigger: the previous provisions of the law, which regulates the transfer of GDR law to FRG law regarding garages, expired in 2022, which means that the conflict over the preservation or demolition of the garages has increased again. This is then also reflected in the cultural discourse.

The conflict sometimes appears very emotional. What role did garages play in the GDR?

The big difference to West Germany was that the garages in the GDR were built on “nationally owned” land. Some of these were huge areas; in Leipzig, for example, there is a complex with 900 garages. The people themselves also came together for the construction – in the Leipzig example, more than 900 people. Despite the massive shortage, they organized the necessary building materials, tools and vehicles and met after work and on weekends for work assignments. This was an enormous achievement that also established the communities and emotional bonds that were created. I have spoken to many contemporary witnesses – you can tell that this development phase is very important to them. Many describe themselves as “men of the first hour”.

Can you describe this group in more detail?

In the GDR, a car was a valuable item that tended to imply a privileged position, even if this cannot be generalized. The garage owners were often people who lived in the newly built large housing estates and met at the fence of the allotment garden, when visiting the doctor and in front of the garage door. This strengthened community building. At the same time, the garages were places where a lot of repairs were done. This “tinkering culture” was due to the fact that in the GDR you could and had to do a lot of things yourself on the cars. Accordingly, knowledge was passed on in the garages. Many contemporary witnesses report that they generally spent a lot of time there. Some also remember learning to ride a bicycle with their fathers or grandfathers in the garages, for example.

Interview

private


Lena Fries is a historian and researches the history of GDR garages. She also works politically on the topic in Berlin as a member of the Left Treptow-Köpenick district executive committee.

To what extent were the garages a male domain?

Traditional gender images – a car is for men and working on a car is male – were found in both East and West Germany. And they still are today. Many garage communities in the GDR have written chronicles about their history. It says, for example, that women were important as support because they “kept men’s backs” at home. But there are also other reports, for example that a woman worked as a technical draftsman in a shared garage. Today, these old communities mostly continue to exist as clubs or loose associations in which there are more women who hold board positions and have their own garage. In addition, some women have now taken over the garages from their deceased “men of the first hour”.

What was the relationship between this “garage culture” and the state?

In the 1950s and even more so in the 1960s, many people wanted garages for their cars, but there was a lack of materials and the state saw no way to act. Many then simply built their own garage illegally – out of whatever they could find; For example, corrugated cardboard was a classic building material. At the same time, there were a lot of complaints from the population during this phase that drew attention to the problem. In 1971 there was a turning point and the state created clear rules and procedures for garage construction. First of all, it was a movement from below, and even after 1971 garage construction was mostly organized by the collective itself – which was then supported by the state.

What function did the garages have for this “movement”?

The garages were initially functionally a shelter for cars. The garage communities met for work, followed by a barbecue and celebration. There are also reports about their use as individual retreats, but I have the feeling – also from my research – that this aspect is emphasized too much today. From a Western perspective, you always want to find individualism in the GDR – at this point it was perhaps not so strong. Instead of calling it an “alternative living room,” I would rather talk about the garage as an “extended living room.” But both before and after 1989, there were individual cases of the craziest forms of use – right up to men who built replica cannons in their garage.

What change did the turning point bring?

After the fall of the Wall, the problem arose that FRG law did not recognize the separation of land and land, as was the case in the GDR. An attempt was made to solve this with the so-called Law of Obligations Adjustment Act. The garage areas were transferred to the former owners, often also to municipalities or housing associations. Some garage communities have tried to buy these properties themselves – I only know of one example from Berlin where this was successful. The land and the garages on it now mostly belonged to someone else – and you had to pay a rent that was significantly higher than the rent from GDR times. Due to the regulations of the Law of Obligations Adjustment Act, the property owners can terminate the garage owners’ rental agreement at any time. They may then have to demolish the garage at their own expense. Most municipalities do not take this step because they recognize the explosive potential.

What determines the explosive power?

For example, a person was an engineer in the GDR, and after 1989 his achievements and skills were withdrawn in the “reunified” Germany. A massive devaluation experience took place here. But his shared garage initially remained the same – it was still worth the same there. Until the 2000s, no one was interested in the garage space. However, due to the lack of space in the cities, this changed and this remaining place also came under pressure. Many contemporary witnesses perceive the termination of their garage as expropriation. Their work was ignored and their life’s achievements were not seen. The garages repeated what many people had previously experienced with their biographies.

How do the garage owners react?

Many of the well-organized garage communities are trying to fight back. There are interesting developments here: In Leipzig, for example, struggling garage owners want to install solar systems on their garage roofs. On the one hand, they show understanding for the need for the energy and transport transition, and on the other hand, they try to position themselves better in the conflicts.

Space for living space is needed in cities, and the transport policy focus on cars no longer seems appropriate. Doesn’t that conflict with the desire to keep the garage space?

It’s not just about preserving the garage space, but above all about treating the owners with respect. The contemporary witnesses I spoke to naturally understand if, for example, a school is to be built on a garage area – but people want to be included in such a process. In Potsdam, for example, there is a garage advisory board in which garage owners are also involved. A concept was developed together for the usage perspectives of the garage areas. At least people know where they stand. There is also such a garage location concept in Chemnitz; The Left Party is currently discussing a corresponding application for Berlin. You could see how this doesn’t work in Berlin-Lichtenberg, where there were recently heated debates: Green compensation areas should be created for extensions to the Federal Chancellery in Mitte. Garages in Lichtenberg, 14 kilometers away, now have to make way for this. This shows where the priorities lie and that the importance of the garages and the work of the builders are not recognized, but rather played out. At the same time, I wouldn’t say that every garage in East Germany is worth preserving. The question is what to do with these places.

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What could a different approach look like?

In the “Garage Manifesto,” for example, the application of monument protection is discussed. In this respect, the East Garages have it doubly difficult: in monument preservation, far too little is said about the value of everyday places. In addition, it is still difficult to recognize Eastern cultural heritage in the Federal Republic. But you could think along these lines. In addition, you could also imagine the garage rooms as shared workshops. We not only need housing, but also social infrastructure. Certain traditions from the GDR, such as the repair culture, could then live on in these places. Culturally, the “#3000Garagen” project also shows well how these places can be used artistically, for example through film screenings or band performances.

Did you remember a particular anecdote from your discussion of East Garages?

There is a garage community in Leipzig that, back in the GDR era, thought about how they could secure their garage area. She then came up with the idea of ​​symbolically giving the cosmonaut Sigmund Jähn a garage. They also sent him a certificate. Jähn himself was never there; the garage was always used for other purposes. But the garage community knew that no authority would dare to close or demolish Sigmund Jähn’s garage – and it has remained that way to this day. The people at the garage community are very proud of this.

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