“Early nationalism”: Nationalism without a nation: above everything in the world

Our nation: master over all other nations,” wrote the Archbishop of Trier in 1453. A few decades later, the humanist Ulrich von Hutten unmistakably said: “Then whoever does not care about this / he does not love his fatherland / he is the same Not really known to God.” This shows that being German and being German were already in the consciousness of those living at the time. It didn’t take an actual nation to have an emotionally charged idea of ​​one – and to draw conclusions about one’s own group and others.

The fact that early nationalism was already circulating in German-speaking scholarly circles and beyond around 1500 is the astonishing insight that Hans Peter Herrmann brings to light in his book “Identity and Claim to Power”. This insight is astonishing because it contradicts the doctrine and yet is clearly visible if you look closely like Herrmann. He shows well-foundedly that early nationalism – as he calls it – preceded the nation and stood at the turn of the modern era.

The Birth of Nations

Nationalism followed the invention of the nation in the 19th century, or so the popular idea goes. In France, nationalism emerged after the revolution in 1789, and in the German-speaking areas from the so-called wars of liberation against Napoleon’s armies. This conviction arose not least as a reaction to attempts by earlier generations of historians to extend “Germanness” into prehistoric times, as the Germans did around 1900 and the National Socialists anyway. Representations that are still popular today draw a line from “the Germans” to Arminius, the conqueror of Varus, or Otto the Great, who stopped Hungary.

Since the founding of the Reich in 1871, the conviction emerged that German national history had found its fulfillment in the nation state. Political demands and ideas of the national community grew out of such historical legitimacy. Territory, language and culture – what they meant – were supposed to be unifying elements of the nation. This nationalism united internally and had an aggressive and warlike effect externally. Accordingly, such connections had not existed before, at least not in this form.

For example, the historian Dieter Langewiesche writes in “Nation, Nationalism, Nation State in Germany and Europe”: “The nation as the ultimate value that justifies all demands (…) only established itself as the majority social position in the course of the 19th century.” Accordingly, the “conceptual probe “modern nationalism” makes it possible to “sharply distinguish it from its medieval and early modern predecessors”. Nevertheless, such an approach already presupposes what is to be found: namely modern nationalism. In this way, one could become blind to previous developments, says Hans Peter Herrmann. He shows that early nationalism also had broad social acceptance for at least a few decades and also had a “relevance to action for social groups”, something that Langewiesche only recognized in the 19th century.

Nationalism as a model of interpretation

In his concept of nationalism, Herrmann refers primarily to the sociologist Thorsten Mense, who states in his “Critique of Nationalism”: “Nationalism is above all else a form of thought, a specific and modern way of seeing the world and of oneself and others to locate her.” Accordingly, it serves for identification and is effective as a pattern of perception. Nationalism conveys a feeling of belonging to a nation and thus legitimizes political and social claims. In terms of content, the essence of this belonging is determined by a shared history, culture and/or descent. Herrmann also calls nationalism a “pattern of interpretation” because it makes it visible as an activity. This is not just an idea or brainchild, but has an organizing function.

Herrmann locates such a form of thought, which aims to put the world in order culturally, socially and politically and thus enables positioning, as early as 1500. “I will deal with texts and their authors that speak of the conditions, the meaning and the future of a German nation.” says Herrmann about the political and literary texts of his study. With this selection he goes beyond the purely political function that is often attributed to modern nationalism and also illuminates the aesthetic dimension of nationalism. The separation between political and aesthetic functions is artificial and purely analytical. Because modern nationalism is not just political, but is fueled aesthetically and has a powerful social desire.

From being to should

Herrmann’s book title “Identity and Claim to Power” expresses these two essential aspects of nationalism. Although there had always been talk of “German” or “nation” in centuries before, these were descriptions of order within the universities, loose affiliations or just labels regarding the language (“German tongue”). These “nations” were not about a definite origin or something similarly essential. At the University of Prague, for example, students were divided into the nations of Bohemia, Bavaria, Saxony and Poland, with people from Austria and the Rhineland being assigned to the Bavarian nation and Scandinavians to the Saxon nation.

Particularly in aristocratic circles, this ultimately gave rise to an identity idea of ​​belonging in contrast to others, from which claims to power were also derived. At councils, the term was used to keep an overview of the delegations. Some used this as a self-description, for example in order to express a claim to the emperor not to neglect the German nation – i.e. the German princes. The gradual ethnicization of the nation also took place in the face of the Turks, who threatened the European nations as an external and un-Christian enemy. It emerged as a functional concept in the late 15th century, and it then fell to the humanists to formulate it intellectually.

This formulation began in the humanist dispute between the Italian and German factions, in which specific cultural terms and content were formed. Conrad Celtis, for example, was the first to forego reference to classical antiquity in order to differentiate himself. According to Celtis, the artist god Apollo would also find something in Germany. True poetry reigns in these countries, an independent art that in no way needs Italian mediation. Beginning with poetry, Celtis and other humanists built a comprehensive “German” educational program that also included political renewal at the courts. Education was nationalized and expanded to include German regional studies and history. This was done with a programmatic intention, because after their studies, future elites were supposed to transport national ideas to the chancellery, councils and administrations.

Mixed up with hatred early on

Herrmann names “origin,” “fatherland,” and “community” as three recurring aspects of this era, which are also the core of modern nationalism. “Around 1500, the idea of ​​an identity-creating ‘German fatherland’, of the togetherness of ‘German people’ and of an independent ‘German’ culture was established among German humanists and the scholarly study of it was recognized as a demanding activity.” For Herrmann, this is still integrative nationalism because it is aimed inwards. But here too there are strange tones when printing becomes a German engineering achievement and some humanists imagine themselves in an eternal battle with France. Ulrich von Hutten combines nationalism with aggressive hatred when he combines the ideal of an important fatherland with Reformation criticism of the Italian Pope: “Have mercy on the fatherland, / you will raise your hand as Germans / and because that may not be a good thing / it must be But it costs blood.” For some time, such chauvinism had a widespread impact beyond scholarly circles.

Hans Peter Herrmann formulates his thesis with clear arguments, which he also uses to shed light on the currently resurgent nationalism. Following him is an intellectual joy, especially as he strives to be understandable. Herrmann himself wonders why people didn’t notice early nationalism earlier, and he openly admits that the problem was pointed out to him by students.

Hans Peter Herrmann: Identity and claim to power. Early German nationalism around 1500? History, theory and mechanisms of action. Wallstein 2023, 176 pages, hardcover, €24.