Everyone is talking about Angela Merkel’s style of government, an exhibition at the Folkwang Museum, »Grow It, Show It! Hair in view from Diane Arbus to Tiktok”, is interested in their hairstyles over the years.
Photo: picture alliance/dpa | Roland Weihrauch
Sixteen years of “no alternative” politics under Chancellor Angela have left Germany in ruins: dilapidated bridges hundreds of times over; Deutsche Bahn was run down; digital desert like hardly anywhere else in Europe; schools in deplorable condition; Right-wing populist and right-wing extremist forces are on the rise, not only in Germany, but also in Europe… A majority of Germans seemed to have enjoyed this graveyard peace under the first female German chancellor. It was so convenient not to have to notice problems.
Martin Heipertz has presented an in-depth assessment of “Merkelism” with the subtitle “The fine art of shallow politics”. In it he describes their “muddling through” as a form of government that leads to an erosion of democracy. Under the time pressure of current political events, “basic constitutional rights” are being undermined.
Heipertz is a political official with a “duty of loyalty.” He was deputy office manager under Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble (CDU) and was himself an actor in the 2010 financial crisis. His language is not necessarily catchy, but it is technocratic. The content is quite detailed and primarily limited to a dense chronology of the Greek crisis and euro rescue policy at the time. Lots of numbers, lots of financial Latin, a book for experts. Nevertheless, Heipertz’s book contains interesting insights behind the political scenes. A possible “political union” in Europe or “at least a fiscal union” was missed during the Greek crisis, for example, a “unique historical opportunity.”
The “Merkel method” included overwhelming parliamentarians with a wealth of documents that were difficult to understand, let alone process. “Those who worry about the vitality of representative and parliamentary democracy can rightly ask themselves whether the Merkel era has caused lasting damage to our political culture,” writes Heipertz. Merkel’s trademark was to wait and postpone, and instead of just keeping an eye on the mood of the people and the next election date, instead of the future. “An authoritarian form of rule is a possible end to muddling through,” warns Heipertz, “but not a necessary one. It’s up to us.” That was the final verdict of a political official loyal to the state and government.
The presentation by FAZ editor Eckart Lohse is more appealing and broader in its analysis. He spoke to many prominent political actors, especially from the Union parties. This book is (unfortunately) not a reckoning, as the title “The Deception” seems to promise. Lohse’s criticism from a conservative perspective remains moderate and therefore below the possibilities, but it is written in pleasantly clear language.
Merkel’s trademark was to wait and postpone, and instead of just keeping an eye on the mood of the people and the next election date, instead of the future.
Lohse focuses essentially on Merkel’s abrupt about-face after the Fukushima nuclear disaster in 2011 and her handling of the “refugee crisis” of 2015. “Although she knows better,” says Lohse, Merkel took a path by phasing out nuclear power after Fukushima , »which she considers to be wrong. This is a deception on the part of the people they govern.” But the majority of Germans were happy to be deceived in order to remain carefree on the sofa in the supposed security. Their course in refugee policy ensured the exclusion of right-wing CDU forces, which led to the rise of the AfD. Markus Söder, the cynical turncoat from Bavaria, once coolly summed up the motive for Merkel’s (and his own) politics: “The desire for progressive change is shared by very few people.”
Lohse concludes: “Angela Merkel has no inclination to look back critically on her decisions.” This is confirmed by her voluminous autobiographical review, which is now to be distributed in more than 30 countries. Of course, the ex-Chancellor will not be able to stifle criticism of her government style and policy – that’s how much “freedom” there will be. The London business magazine “The Economist,” for example, published a sharp reckoning with Merkel’s “terrible legacy” at the end of October. It says: “Merkel led Germany as if in an illusory world and let it enjoy an extended geopolitical and economic nap from which it has yet to wake up.”
Klaus-Rüdiger Mai also sees his book, which came onto the German book market this Tuesday at the same time as Merkel’s memoirs, as a “critical biography”. The non-fiction author, who also published a biography of Sahra Wagenknecht this year, blames the former chancellor for “all the grievances” that “we have to struggle with today.” Like the other two biographers, he lists: the disastrous energy transition, the dependence on Russia, the failed migration policy, the dismantling of democracy and freedom, the restriction of civil rights, living on substance without preserving values, the collapse of the healthcare system, the public safety and infrastructure.
A left-wing assessment of Merkel’s 16-year reign is still pending. Above all, she should ruthlessly reveal what is missing in the books displayed here: namely the criticism of the further unleashing of a brutal capitalism that took place during her chancellorship, which stands for redistribution from the bottom up and which widened the gap between rich and poor.
Martin Heipertz: Merkelism. The fine art of flat politics. Westend, 270 pages, €26.
Eckart Lohse: The deception. Angela Merkel and her Germans. dtv, 336 pages, br., 25 €.
Klaus-Rüdiger May: Angela Merkel. Between legend and reality. A critical biography. Europa-Verlag, 414 pages, hardcover, €26.